Veto. Except

in Connecticut and Rhode Island, colonial Governors hhad the power of vetoing acts of the colonial Legislatures, and the crown had also a right of vetoing subsequently. None of the original State constitutions gave the executive of the State a veto till that of Ma achusetts in 1780. In the Convention of 1787 various other plans for the veto were considered, such asa suspensory veto and one in which the Supreme Court should be a ociated with the President. The plan >» ‘ finally adopted resembled that of Ma achusetts, Congre being given power to override the veto by a two-thirds vote of both houses. Since then all but four of the States have given their Governors the veto power. A Federal negative on State Jaws was also discu ed, but wisely abandoned. The general feeling is that the veto power has been useful to good government. It was fora long time used but sparingly. Washington vetoed two bills, Adams and Jefferson (and also J. Q. Adams, Van Buren, Taylor and Fill more) none, Madison six, Monroe one, Jackson twelve, Tyler nine, Polk three, Pierce nine, Buchanan seven, Lincoln three, Johnson twenty-one, Grant forty-three, Hayes twelve, Arthur four, Cleveland (first administration) 301, mostly private pension bills. Of acts pa ed over the veto, the numbers are: Tyler one, Pierce five, Johnson fifteen, Grant four, Hayes one, Arthur one, Cleveland two. The vetoes most important historically were those by which Madison, Monroe and Jackson checked the ‘‘ internal improvement” policy, Tyler's bank and tariff vetoes, and those of Johnson upon the Freedmen's Bureau Acts, the Civil Rights Act, the Tenure of Office Act, and the Reconstruction Acts, all of which, save the first Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, were pa ed over his veto. 337