AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LA

BOR, the largest confederation of trades unions in the world, formed in 1881 as an outgrowth of the National Labor Union, the Knights of Labor and a number of sectional orders. The organization embraces the United States, Canada, Porto Rico and Panama. Its purposes include: the encouragement and formation of local trades and_ labor unions; the closer federation and combination of such bodies; the securing of legislation in the interest of the working ma es; the establishment of national and international trade unions, based upon a strict recognition of the autonomy of such trade; the sale of union-labor goods; the influencing of public opinion by peaceful and_ legal methods in favor of organized labor; aiding and encouraging the labor pre of America; and as a federation, promoting the harmonious co-operation of all national and international trades unions so that they may be helpful to each other. The federation’s powers are prescribed much as the Federal Government's are in its relations with the States. All rights of unions affiliated with it are preserved intact, powers not specifically granted to the Federation under its constitution being reserved to the constituent units. The unions composing the Federation retain and exercise considerable freedom of action. The Federation may suspend or expel a member union, but a union can override any Federation action it may deem as intrusive upon its control of matters relating to its own trade. Samuel Gompers (q.v.) is the Federation’s president, a post he has occupied with distinction for many years. He heads the executive council, composed of the secretary (Frank Morrison), treasurer (Daniel J. Tobin) and eight vice-presidents. The Federation holds an annual convention, of late years on the second Monday in June, and selects a different city each year for the meetings. Its membership is restricted to wage workers of both sexes, skilled and unskilled. Not every trade union belongs to it, and among non-members are the great railroad brotherhoods, but its sway and the membership of its constituent unions (in 1921, 3,906,528) makes the Federation the dominant power in American labor. Outstanding among its affiliated unions are the Mine Workers of America (the largest), the International Typographical Union of North America, the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, and the Cigar Makers’ International Union. Tts membership (1921) embraced 36,247 local unions in 110 national and international unions and 941 local and federal labor unions. Due to the activities of the Federation in espousing legislation designed to safeguard the interests of labor, Congre enacted many measures of this character, including a national eight-hour day for government employes; exclusion of Chinese and contract laborers; the legal establishment of Labor Day as a holiday; the labor provisions of the Clayton anti-trust act (1914), wherein it was affirmed ‘the labor power of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce;’ the protection under this act of labor unions from being cla ified as trusts or subject to anti-trust laws; the Seaman’s Act; the establishment of a Federal Bureau of Labor, which developed (1913) into the existing Department of Labor, whose secretary is a member of the President’s Cabinet; the creation of a _ federal ‘Children’s Bureau; and the Workman’s Compensation Act. The Federation’s succe in securing remedial labor legislation is the outcome of an organized movement it developed in recent years to support the nomination and election to Congre of representatives, regardle of party, who pledged their aid to further the enactment of such measures. Its active political policy ‘has created a Labor Group in Congre , the members whereof belong to labor bodies and hold trade union cards. While the general public does not hear much of this group’s activities, its personnel is a growing influence in Congre in all legislation affecting labor. In its attitude on world questions the Federation stands for internationalism, opposes militarism in all its phases, favors drastic limitation of armaments, and is hostile to the Communist method of government as established in Ru ia. There have been frequent attempts by Socialistic elements in the organization to control its policy, especially in (the early years of the present century. In.-: 1905 many of the radical members forming the Socialist factions seceded and established the Industrial Workers of the World among other independent a ociations. Today Socialism in its various shades is by no means lacking as a factor influencing the deliberations of the Federation when it meets in Convention. Periodic attacks have been made on the Gompers administration, which have been a ailed as too cautious and conservative. Its conventions in the post-war period have indicated that the American Labor movement and what it stands for are in a state of transition. At the 1921 Convention, for example, held at Denver, the progre ive elements overrode and routed the executive’s opposition to a resolution urging government ownership and democratic operation of the railways. The Federation’s funds are obtained by dues levied on individual members of affiliated unions, and also on the unions themselves as collective bodies. A striking feature of its scope is reflected in the disbursement of the funds accumulated by its subsidiary bodies. The occurrence of strikes calls for a large expenditure to sustain non-working members, running well into the millions annually. Payments covering death, sick ant non-employment benefits are equally arge. The purposes of the American Federation of Labor have been reaffirmed by President Gompers as embracing the practical application of the principle that the economic power of its members is fundamental to all production in that it is derived from labor's creativene in industry and commerce, and that all other power springs from labor’s economic power.